Ka Leo o ka Lahui, Volume II, Number 258, 13 August 1891 — Page 4

KA LEO O KA LAHUI.

"E Mau ke Ea o ka Aina i ka Pono."

 

KA LEO.

John E. Bush.

Luna Hooponopono a me Puuku.

THURSDAY, AUGUST 13, 1891.

 

ABOUT TREATY PROVISION.

            The project of so revising our Treaty with the United States as to ruin our national independence, seems to lie very near the hearts of the sugar ring, and especially of the missionary section of the ring. The mask behind which they seek to compass this end, has suffered at the hands of those more honest than they, with the result that several deep and wide gashes therein reveal the hideous features of the old hag of Free Trade, beneath whose petticoats those self styled patriots have taken shelter. The history of this movement dates from the early part of 1889, when our Minister to Washington, ever jealous in promoting the interests of the sugar ring, brought the matter to the attention of the American Government, and as a sequel to that fact, came to Honolulu in June following, with a draft of the now justly infamous "Bayonet Treaty" in his head, which was afterwards transferred to paper. The incidents attending and following the publication of that draft, are still fresh in the public memory. It is not forgotten how a majority of the Cabinet at once repudiated the "bayonet" clause, and lost themselves in the mazes of their efforts to explain how that clause got into the draft. The people of the country have not forgotten how the same majority, during the absence of the fourth member of the Cabinet, sought to coerce the King into signing an authority to Minister Carter to "negotiate" a treaty in the words of that draft, from which the public clamor in this country had forced them to expunge the "bayonet clause." The King's refusal to be so coerced, the return of the fourth member of the Cabinet from America, the running fire of hot shot and hotter words between his colleagues and he, in his efforts to thwart their treaty scheme, are all parts of very recent history. So in the short period of the Legislative Session of 1891, during which the three Ministers on the one side, and one on the other, again fought over the gory field, while the forced resignation of the three, followed by the unforced resignation of the one were scenes that marked the dying hours of that unholy treaty project.

            Yes, that project was justly killed, and ceremoniously buried. But in the ghouls of the missionary camp, in flagrant violation of the sanctity of sepulture, dug up the corpse, placed it in their political incubator, and have ever since been engaged in the effort to galvanize the loved cadaver into life. But the dear departed, with a persistency worthy of Pharoah's mummy, repels their pious ministrations, and sleeps on.

 

            Let us look at the ostensible objects of those disinterested patriots, and observe how nearly it conforms to the public interest, — and then, let us inquire whether, if the object be tolerable, the means proposed are such as to attain that end.

            Unless their professed aims have eluded our mental grasp, they seek to bring about the absolutely free interchange of all natural and manufactured products of either country, with the other,—excepting liquor, opium, and such articles as either country may prohibit the importation of. Where would such a condition leave us as to revenue? While our present treaty admits free of duty, nearly all American manufactures, yet we derive considerable revenue from a tariff upon their ready-made clothing, carriages, certain classes of furniture, and some other articles of less prominence in the lest, — free trade of course would deprive us of that revenue, and to that extent necessitate an increase of taxation.

            What would be our advantage from the right to send all our products into their ports, duty free? As our products now appear, we can think of nothing we now produce, except wool and tobacco, or are at all likely to raise or produce, that does not enjoy the right of free entry into the United States. The list admitted by the present treaty is as follows: — Arrow-root, castor oil, bananas, nuts, vegetables (dried and undried, preserved and unpreserved) hides and skins (undressed), rice, pulu, seeds, plants, shrubs and trees; sugar (unrefined), syrup of sugar, melado, molasses and tallow. In addition to the foregoing list, coffee is free, by act of Congress, and we can think of no other produce of our soil, available for export, that is not also free, with the above exception of wool and coffee, which is not now generally produced here.

 

            Therefore, what need is there of our admitting free any more American, products, and further crippling our already insufficient revenue, when no compensatory feature, in the way of admission of our products, is to be had? Or, to put in in other words, of what avail is it to us, that the list of free goods should be so extended as to embrace score of articles that we cannot produce, or if producable at all cannot be exported at a profit? The answer is, there is positively no benefit; but only an injury to be derived by us from such an expansion of the list of mutually free goods.

 

            But here comes in the little joker of the sugar patriots. They agree, that by securing absolute free trade, they can refine their sugars at their mills, and, by sending refined sugars direct to the American consumer, can shake off the shackles of the Sugar Trust, and market their wares at a handsome profit

            There are many arguments against the soundess of that proposition. One is, the expense involved in local refining. We all know that new and expensive machinery would be required for that purpose, and it seems improbable that any but the strongest plantations would be able to bear such expense. Then, we need not be told that, with all machinery provided and in place, the very expense of the refining process must exceed the cost of the same process in America. It is folly for us to hope to compete with America in any branch of manufacturing, whether it is the refining of sugar or anything else.

 

            At present, while unrefined sugars from any country enters the United States free, the refined article is subject to one and one-half per cents per pound, or thirty dollars per ton. We have all heard the howls from the refiners of the Union, to the effect, that this rate of duty is insufficient for their protection, and are demanding a higher rate. What ar the prospects in that direction? We know that Congress gave the existing rate because it was deemed an adequate protection to refiners, and that even a republican protectionist Congress would hear of no higher figures We hazard the opinion that this rate will not be increased, for the people have had, and are having, a good taste of German refined sugar, which is laid down in San Francisco at a considerable reduction from the prices of Coast refineries. It is therefore highly improbable that Congress, even if disposed in that direction, will dare to increase this duty, and thus play into the hand (and pockets) of the infamous Sugar Trust. But the probabilities are all in favor of a reduction of that duty to a point where European refined sugars will flow freely into the American market.

 

            If the foregoing condition obtains, what will be the measure of benefit to be derived by our refining planters? They will find after the expense of erecting costly refining plants have been incurred, that they still cannot compete with the cheaper machinery and labor of Europe, and should the proposed treaty be put through for this object, we will then find we have mortgaged our birthright for the purpose of securing to a few rich planters an illusory benefit which can never materialize

 

            But suppose all the foregoing argument to be faulty, and unfounded in truth and logic; and suppose the planters' mills all equipped with refineries, and sending their refined sugar into America duty free, and they again revelling in the enormous dividends of the recent past, while all outside the gilded circle continue to groan and sweat as they have always done, while the nabobs corrall the cash; picture the smile on the phiz of each sugar king, which even the inhuman crack of the slave-drivers whip cannot chase from his lips, — and all brought about by free refined sugar under an amended treaty.

            Let us now ask, what is to prevent Congress from at any time opening the same doors to the refiner sugars of other lands, just as it opened the doors to the unrefined sugars of other lands, through the medium of the much abused McKinley bill? We have had the bottom knocked out of the existing treaty by an act of Congress. Though we should secure such amended treaty as to restore our lost advantage (and we submit that such a condition is impossible under any treaty amendments), what guaranty shall we have that a second act of Congress will not repeat the knocking-out process?

            "But," say our friends, the enemy. "Congress will not do that again." Go to, ye pupils of political kindergartens, what know ye of American politics or their prospects. Ye have so befogged your mental visions with pouring over your slave-labor contracts, that ye know no more of political probabilities in America than a Hottentot knows of Heaven. More anon.

 

DEATH'S DOMAINS.

(CONTINUED.)

            There they sat down and wailed and moaned all day long. A rope had been stretched from the landing and along a building to keep the lepers back, but the barrier was not maintained. The lepers crowded over and under in their impatience to greet their friends and one soon found himself surrounded by them and unable to move except by elbowing his way through the crowd of diseased bodies.

            A leper band played a doleful funeral march as the royal party came off in the last boat. At the landing was an arch of ferns and flowers bearing the incription, Aloha i ka Moiwahine. More appropriate would have been the words that Dante found at the entrance of Infernio — "Who enter here leave hope behind."

            The Queen entered a carriage, and followed by her partly proceeded to the house of the Superintendent of the Settlement. After a few minutes the Queen took a seat on the veranda, and the gates were opened to admit the lepers that had followed the party to the house. They crowded around the veranda presenting a spectacle of loathsome horror, material for a thousand nightmares. Her Majesty said, "Aloha oukou;" and she sat down, and was answered by a hoarse cry of "Aloha no."

            The Premier Sam'l Parker read the Queen's address to the people. It spoke of the affliction and sorrows of the people, and said there was yet hope of a remedy being found. It was on account of this desire ever present in her heart that she had visited them.

            Other speeches were made by W. Tell, Lilikalani, Hookano, Kekipi, Kalana, Nawahi; one of the lepers—, Kahalehili, made a reply on the part of his fellow sufferers.

            The Rev. J. H. Kalana of Hilo wound up his address by saying "You ought to rejoice, however, in as much as God has provided a good and healthful place for you here in Kalaupapa and Kalawao."

            It is true that this excellent and "healthful," rotting-place is about all the Hawaiian have to thank God for.

            The tour of inspection began. The procssion was lead by a standard bearer carrying the Hawaiian colors. The Queen, Prince Kalanianaole and His Excellency Samuel Parker followed in a carriage and the others on horseback. The first halt was made at the Bishop Home where Mother Superior Meriame has charge assisted by several sisters. The party sat upon the veranda of the sister's home and looked upon the saddest, most sickening sight of all. Out of the school room marched double column of forty-two objects, horrible to took upon and bearing but a remote resemblance to anything human. Immense bloated faces covered with angry red tumors, bleared leadless eyes, stumps of rotten limbs. Truly a unendurable thing to look upon.

            These creatures should have been, would in the course of nature have been, girls— yes, young girls! sweet pretty, happy and altogether loveable maidens. Think of children six or seven years old, young girls twelve to twenty, growing into the world with this fearful blight upon them! Think of sweet and pure young souls developing imprisoned in such foul carcases!

            To grow a while, see misery and death around, and only death before, and then rotting die! How sad, how infinitely sorrowful! Now did God do this? — curse these innocent children with a curse too heavy to bear? If he did, he is a strange God and his ways are past finding out.

            These children, these things inhuman, sang; yes, actually attempted to sing before Her Majesty. What a farce and mockery of joy! There was more weeping than singing.

            In passing we must say a word in praise of the Sisters of Mercy who conduct this school and home. But nothing we can write can do justice to the courage, the devotion, the self-sacrifice of these sisters.

            They come to this rotting ground where unspeakable horrors make the soul sick, and here they live and work, devoting their lives to lessening somewhat the misery of the people where misery is so abundant and hourly grows and multiplies. They keep the school; they make clothes for the inmates; they cook the food and feed the handless: they give medicine to the sick and comfort the dying. They are beautiful tender women. They are educated, refided and intelligent.

            To be Continued.

 

ON DIT.

            That her Majesty arrived yesrtedy afternoon, by the 5 o'clock train, too late, however, for an ovation from the Bulletin and Advertiser,—on paper.

 

            That the Police are very active in waging a fight against the evils of the times, but the difficulty with them, as with all superficial renovators, they are after trifles, such as hackmen, while they can look on complacently at a room full of, not our best citizens, monied sapients who are being fleeced of their loose coin.

 

            That since the Police Vehicle has got its axle well greased, we hear no more about gambling,—pakapio, chefa, and other piccadillos that one time attracted the lynx-eyed police so much.

 

            That a gentlemen in company with another, at the Hawaiian Hotel, was taken suddenly ill late in the night, and was carried to his chamber; that this gentleman, was, by a wag, or employee of the Hotel, said to be dead, and that the unfortunate man, was no less a personage than Hon. R. W. Wilcox. On inquiring this morning, we find that some one was out late, fell into a comatose condition, and was carried to his bed in that state, and was resurrected this morning by eye opener. It was not Mr. Wilcox, however, as we found him snug in bed with his bed-comforter at early morn.

 

            That the shortest speech ever made by Sovereign and subject was that given by Her Majesty to her people on Molokai, as she arose and said: "Aloha oukou!" and was responded to by the people with "Aloha no!" There is volumes in it, — it means much or nothing, — and is a very pretty way of making a profession without a purpose, as it was on that occasion.

 

HOOLAHA KAI KONOHIKI.

            Ke pa leo aku nei ke Konohiki o Waialae, i kona mau hoaloha a me na hoaaina o kona Aina, ua hoolimalima aku oia i ke kai i keia manawa, a ua hookapu iho oia i ka kaa nona iho, a nolaila, ke poloai aku nei oia e ike a hoomaopopo i keia leo la. Owau no,

3ms-d. PAULO ISENBERG.