Ka Wai Ola - Office of Hawaiian Affairs, Volume 1, Number 1, 1 June 1981 — OHA IS BORN [ARTICLE]

OHA IS BORN

4 » Wa/cea, the Sky Father, and his wife, Ho'ohoku-o-kalani, bore a premature son. He was called Haloa-naka. The little one died, and his body was buried at the eastern end of the house. From the child's body grew a kalo plant. The leaf was caUed lau-kapa-lili, or quiuering leaf; the stem toas called Haloa. Their second child was also called Haloa, after this kalo stem. From this second-bom Haloa has descended the human race. In this way, kalo was the elder brother and man the younger - both being children of the s ame parents. Because our chiefs were of the senior '.n.e, they were referred to in respect and affection as kalo kanu 'o ka 'aina (the kalo grown in the homeland). Kalo ivas the main staple food of Hawaii's natiue people. The open poi bowl calabash symbolized Haloa, and in reuerence for him, meal time was pleasant and hearty. Nourished in fresh flowing waters, kalo is also associated with spring water, running streams, rain, and sunlight, the lifegiuing elements in nature. Kalo was such an important part of the Hawaiian lifesfyle, that the word for family - 'ohana - is deriuedfrom its growth process. The motherkalo produces buds or keiki called 'oha. Eaeh 'oha, broken off and planted, matures to motherhood, and begins budding and branching, creating a new generation of kalo. Thus it is, that mythologically speaking, mankind, descended from Haloa the second son of Wakea, ean be eompared to the offshoots from Haloa^naka, the kalo, the first-born son. j

The Creation of OHA I HE 1978 Constitutional Convention eame at a time when both Hawaiians and non-Hawaiians were taking a renewed interest in Hawaiian culture and the manner in whieh history has treated the Islands' native race. In fact, it is possible to look at the proposed amendments that emerged from the Hawaiian Affairs Committee and conclude that the "Hawaiian Renaissance" was developing a mature political side that people were finally beginning to take seriously. Guided through the Hawaiian Affairs Committee by its Chairperson, A. Frenchy DeSoto, the "Hawaiian package" of 5 significant amendments passed by wide margins. This Hawaiian package called for: 1) The establishment of an Office of Hawaiian Affairs that would be a

central conduit for money and programs that would benefit all Hawaiians. 2) A restructuring of the Hawaiian Homelands that would transfer 30% of all revenues from leased sugareane lands and water licenses to that department, thereby freeing lands used to generate revenue to directly help Hawaiians. 3) The prohibition of "adverse possession" except on property of 5 acres or less. An individual could not elaim adverse posession more than onee in 20 years. 4) The reaffirmation and protection of "traditionail and customary rights" of native Hawaiians to allow them access to public lands for the purpose of fishing, hunting, worshipping, and gathering. 5) The promotion of the study of Hawaiian culture, history, & language. In early September of 1978, the above package moved out to the full Convention for discussion most appropriately on the 140th anniversary of Queen Lili'uokalani's birth. Two full days were set aside to discuss the proposals, some of whieh were the most complicated and technical that the convention had yet seen. Except for a relatively minor controversy over the land ownership doctrine of adverse possession, the proposed amendments passed easily and with little opposition.

When asked her opinion of the proposed amendments, A. Frenchy DeSoto stated, with mueh conviction: "I believe that this package will give the Hawaiian people self-sufficiency and give them the opportunity to determine their own future. The benefits that will accrue to Hawaiians will strengthen the community. Everyone will benefit." The voters of this state must have agreed with her, because in November they ratified all of the Con Con proposed amendments. This ratification was probably the single biggest poliheal gain for Hawaiians since the Hawaiian Homes Commission Act in 1920. Aside from the numerous merits of these amendements, this victory for Hawaiians would not have been possible without the deep feeling of many voters that they had the opportunity to right some of the wrongs that history had done to Hawaiians. The awareness of these wrongs most probably stemmed from the Hawaiian activism of the '70's. Although it is possible to go further back to examine the roots of Hawaiian activism, since mueh has already been written about the Kalakaua period and the 1920's, this article will focus on the organizers and organizations of the 70's. It is the groups in this

period who did mueh to create the climate that made the creation of OHA possible. The brief history, and mueh of the language that follows, comes from an article written by Davianna McGregor Alegado, entitled "Hawaiians: Organizing in the 70's." (Amerasia Journal 7:2 (1980), 29-55). Only the major groups are highlighted. Organizing In The 1970's Formed in 1970, "The Hawaiians" was the first Hawaiian political organization of the 1970's. It initially focused on reforming the Hawaiian Home Lands Commission, by exposing the negligence and mismanagement of Commission lands and by demanding that additional lands, homes, and services be made available to qualified Hawaiians. Expanding its focus, "The Hawaiians" worked for changes in Hawaiian Home Lands policies and eommunity programs. Of all the organizations to form in the seventies, "The Hawaiians" has the largest core of active grass-roots community people, some of whom had been trained under the Model Cities Frogram and Hawaii Community Action Proaram (HCAP).

The Congress of Hawaiian People formed in 1971 in response to the controversy surrounding the appointment of a non-Hawaiian trustee to the Bishop Estate. The Congress initially served as a "watchdog" over the trustees of the Bishop Estate and eventually branched out to attract resources for Hawaiian eommunity programs. It also served as an advocate for the Hawaiian community on a variety of issues. In 1972, Aboriginal Lands of Hawaiian Ancestry (ALOHA) was established as a mass political organization. Inspired by the successful reparations claims of Native Americans in the mainland U.S. and Alaska, ALOHA demanded that the U.S. Congress make reparations to the Hawaiian people.

The Homerule Movement was formed in 1973 to support the involvement of Hawaiians in the broader political arena. Through lobbying, the members attempted to change some of the land laws whieh adversely affected the Hawaiian kuleana landowner. In 1974, the Coalition of Native Hawaiian Claims was established and, in 1978, changed its name to the Hawaii Legal Corporation. It proposed initiating and documenting the basis for reparation claims of native Hawaiians to land and oeean resources. The Coalition also provided legal service for litigation by small kuleana owners against incursion by large landowners and developers. Hui Ala Loa (The Group of the Long Trails) began on the island of Moloka'i in

1975 to take issues of eoneem to native Hawaiians on that island. Using various tactics, such as a march to open Kawikiu Beach, mobilization of the community at public hearings, litigation, and cultural gatherings and activities, the group has effectively organized Hawaiians on the island.

In 1976, the Protect Kaho'olawe Ohana was founded to stop the bombing of the island of Kaho'olawe whieh, since World War II, has been used by the U.S. Navy for target practice. This group focused on the island of Kaho'olawe, as a means of drawing national attention to the desecration of one of Hawaii's major islands. As early as 1973, the leaders of the various Hawaiian political organizations recognized the importance of coordinating their efforts and providing support to eaeh other. They joined together and formed the Hawaiian Coalition in 1973, later renamed the Council of Hawaiian Organizations (COHO). In 1974, passage of Title VIII, Native American Programs Act, added a new dimension to the political dynamics of the Hawaiian community. The passage of this law led to the subsequent formation of Alu Like, a nonprofit corporation established to tap federal funds for whieh Hawaiians became eligible. Taking a systematic approach to the problems facing Hawaiians, Alu Like made a significarit impact on the community. Initially, Alu Like registered as many Hawaiians as it could on its roster. It then conducted a systematic survey of the community to identify the needs of Hawaiians. This process included the organizing of eonferences on eaeh island in whieh Hawaiian leaders were invited to participate.

On to the 80's All of the efforts of the above organizations led finally to the passage of the Hawaiian Affairs package approved by the 1978 Constitutional Convention and ratified by the voters in the subsequent election in November. Now in the 1980's the Office of Hawaiian Affairs continues to work on several of the issues raised by these 1970's groups. For instance, it has joined with the Native Hawaiian Legal Corporation to eonhnue the effort started by many of the above groups to defend native Hawaiians against quiet title actions. In fact, OHA is considering almost all of the above issues for politica! & legal solutions. As John Dominis Holt has so aptly stated, "Many, many Hawaiians made OHA a reality. It belongs to all Hawaiians. The creation of OHA is a major victory for the majority of Hawaiians. It belongs to all because we are the lo'i and the kalo in whieh and upon whieh OHA grows."